{"id":28771,"date":"2024-10-29T09:53:25","date_gmt":"2024-10-29T06:53:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/migrant.uz\/?p=28771"},"modified":"2024-10-29T09:53:25","modified_gmt":"2024-10-29T06:53:25","slug":"g-arb-nima-uchun-markaziy-osiyoga-qiziqmoqda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/migrant.uz\/uz\/g-arb-nima-uchun-markaziy-osiyoga-qiziqmoqda\/","title":{"rendered":"G\u2018arb nima uchun Markaziy Osiyoga qiziqmoqda?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Rossiya-Ukraina urushining ikki yarim yili davomida Markaziy Osiyo mamlakatlari hamkorlar bilan <a href=\"https:\/\/storage.googleapis.com\/crng\/west-central-asia-russia-relations.html\">muloqot<\/a> qilishning samarali strategiyasini ishlab chiqdi: G\u2018arbda bir narsani, Rossiyada boshqa narsani gapiradi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>So\u2018nggi yillarda Markaziy Osiyo G\u2018arbning eng yirik davlatlari va eng yuqori darajadagi e\u2019tiboridan bahramand bo\u2018lib kelmoqda.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Masalan, Germaniya kansleri Olaf Shols mintaqa mamlakatlari bilan munosabatlarni yangi bosqichga olib chiqdishga qaror qilgan navbatdagi Yevropa yetakchisiga aylandi. Samarqand va Ostonada ikki tomonlama muzokaralar o\u2018tkazdi, barcha mintaqaviy yetakchilar bilan C5+1 formatida (Qozog\u2018iston, Qirg\u2018iziston, Tojikiston, Turkmaniston va O\u2018zbekiston + hamkor mamlakatlardan biri) uchrashdi.<\/p>\n<p>G\u2018arbning Markaziy Osiyoga qiziqishi ortishiga sabablar ko\u2018p: so\u2018nggi yillarda mahalliy rahbariyatning yangilanishi, Rossiyaning Ukrainaga bostirib kirishi va Xitoy bilan munosabatlardagi o\u2018sib borayotgan muammolar.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Markaziy Osiyo yetakchilari ham G\u2018arb uchun avvalo Rossiya va Xitoy bilan qo\u2018shnichiligi tufayli muhim bo\u2018lib qolganliklarini juda yaxshi tushunadi va aynan bu tushuncha ularga muzokara pozitsiyalarini kuchaytirishga yordam bermoqda.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Yaqinda ham, 2010-yillarda, Markaziy Osiyo G\u2018arb uchun unchalik muhim hamkor bo\u2018lib ko\u2018rinmas edi. Masalan, Angela Merkel 16 yillik kansler lavozimida mintaqaga atigi uch marta tashrif buyurgan. Ammo 2020-yillarda ko\u2018p narsa o\u2018zgardi.<\/p>\n<p>Birinchidan, ichki siyosiy vaziyat o\u2018zgardi: deyarli barcha mamlakatlarda hokimiyat siyosatga Sovet Ittifoqi parchalanganidan keyin kirib kelgan yosh avlodga o\u2018tdi.<\/p>\n<p>Ikkinchidan, tashqi muhit o\u2018zgardi: NATO qo\u2018shinlari Afg\u2018onistondan chiqdi, ularning o\u2018rnini \u201cTolibon\u201d egalladi, Xitoy esa mintaqada mustahkam o\u2018rnashdi va Markaziy Osiyodan hali beri ketish niyati yo\u2018q, Ukrainaga bostirib kirgan Rossiya esa Markaziy Osiyodagi ittifoqchilarining sadoqatini saqlashda qiyinchiliklarga uchramoqda.<\/p>\n<p>Bu vaziyatda kansler Sholsning mintaqaga ilk tashrifi aynan shu yilga to\u2018gri kelgani ajablanarli emas. Ungacha Markaziy Osiyoga Fransiya va Italiya prezidentlari, Yevroittifoq Kengashi raisi, Yevropa Ittifoqi, AQSh, Buyuk Britaniya, Shveysariya va Germaniya tashqi siyosat rahbarlari tashrif buyurgan. Shuningdek, 2023-yil sentabr oyida Nyu-Yorkda AQSh prezidenti Jo Bayden bilan C5+1 uchrashuvi o\u2018tkazildi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Bu tashriflarning barchasi bir-biriga o\u2018xshash ssenariylar asosida amalga oshirilmoqda va ularda muhokama qilinayotgan mavzular xilma-xillikdan yiroq.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Masalan, Shols iqtisodiy hamkorlik masalalarini muhokama qilishi oldindan ma\u2019lum edi. Lekin Germaniya bilan bo\u2018lgan muzokaralarning yagona farqli jihati afg\u2018on muhojirlarini deportatsiyasi masalasida O\u2018zbekistondan yordam so\u2018ralganidir. Markaziy Osiyo davlatlari ham o\u2018z talab va shartlari bilan muzokaralarga kirishmoqda. Biroq barcha muhokamalardan yiroqlashib, raqamlarga e\u2019tibor qaratilsa Markaziy Osiyoning besh mamlakati va Yevroittifoq o\u2018rtasidagi savdo rekord darajaga yetgan: 2022-yilda savdo 59 foizga, 2023-yilda esa yana 11 foizga o\u2018sdi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Shu bilan birga, Yevropa mamlakatlari, xususan Germaniya uchun energetik hamkorlik muhim: o\u2018tgan yili Qozog\u2018iston Germaniyaga 8,5 million tonna neft yetkazib berdi. Bundan ko\u2018p neftni Germaniyaga faqat Norvegiya va AQShdan yetkazgan.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Markaziy Osiyo ham ushbu hamkorlikdan foyda ko\u2018rmoqda. Masalan, 2023-yilda Germaniya Qozog\u2018iston iqtisodiyotiga 770 million dollar investitsiya kiritdi \u2013 bu avvalgi yilga nisbatan 64 foizga ko\u2018p. Germaniyaning O\u2018zbekiston iqtisodiyotiga kiritgan sarmoyalari esa 2017-yildan beri 11 barobarga oshdi.Qolaversa, Qozog\u2018iston umumiy qiymati 55 milliard dollar bo\u2018lgan 66 ta qo\u2018shma investitsiya loyihalari bo\u2018yicha kelishuvga erishgan. O\u2018zbekiston esa umumiy qiymati 9 milliard yevro bo\u2018lgan loyihalarni qo\u2018lga kiritgan.<\/p>\n<p>Eng qizig\u2018i shundaki, Yevropa bilan barcha uchrashuvlar va hamkorlik Markaziy Osiyoning haqiqiy siyosiy an\u2019analari ruhida, ochiq siyosatsiz o\u2018tmoqda.<\/p>\n<p>Masalan, Sholsning safarida ham ochiq siyosat kuzatilmadi. Ukrainadagi urush va Rossiya agressiyasiga qarshi turish zarurati haqida hech qanday gap-so\u2018z bo\u2018lgani yo\u2018q. Ostona shahrida kansler \u201ctinchlik jarayonini tezlashtirish uchun imkoniyatlarni o\u2018rganish zarurligi\u201d haqida qisqagina fikr bildirib ketgan xolos. Qozog\u2018iston prezidenti Qosim-Jo\u2018mart Toqayev ham shu pozitsiyani qo\u2018llab-quvvatlab, \u201curushning yanada kuchayishi butun insoniyat uchun qaytarib bo\u2018lmas oqibatlarga olib kelishi\u201dni aytgan xolos.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Markaziy Osiyo davlatlarida strategik hamkorlik haqidagi gaplar bilan G\u2018arb mamlakatlari mintaqani Moskva va Pekin bilan qarama-qarshiliklarga tortmoqchi degan xavotir borligi sir emas. Balki aynan shuning uchun G\u2018arb yetakchilari Markaziy Osiyo davlatlariga, ochiq va o\u2018tkir siyosatsiz haqiqiy uzoq muddatli strategik ahamiyatga ega hamkorlik asl maqsadlari ekanini isbotlashmoqchi bo\u2018layotgan bo\u2018lishi mumkin. Shu orqali ikki qudratli qo\u2018shnilar bilan kelishmovchiliklar yuzaga kelsa, yangi ittifoqdosh sifatida Yevropaga ishonish mumkinligini ko\u2018rsatishga harakat qilishmoqda.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Ammo G\u2018arb o\u2018z siyosati va manfaatlarini butunlay e&#8217;tiborsiz qoldirolmaydi. Markaziy Osiyoni Rossiya va Xitoy bilan aloqalarni kamaytirishga to\u2018g\u2018ridan-to\u2018g\u2018ri chaqirish ahmoqlik bo\u2018ladi. Shuning uchun G\u2018arb mintaqadagi dengizga chiqishi bo\u2018lmagan davlatlarga iqtisodiy aloqalarini diversifikatsiya qilish imkoniyatini taqdim etmoqchi. Shu orqali mintaqa mamlakatlariga ko\u2018proq mustaqil bo\u2018lishda yordam berishmoqchi. Hattoki bu maqsadda G\u2018arb yetakchilari Markaziy Osiyo rahbarlarini bezovta qiluvchi inson huquqlari va demokratiya kabi masalalarni ustuvor vazifalar ro\u2018yxatidan olib tashladi. Markaziy Osiyoning ichki siyosatini qanday yo\u2018lga qo\u2018yish kerakligi haqida leksiya o\u2018qishlar o\u2018tmishda qoldi. Endi Yevropa va AQSh amaldorlari hamda diplomatlaribiror bir mamlakatdagi islohotlarni qo\u2018llab-quvvatlash bayonotlari bilan cheklanmoqda.<\/p>\n<p>Shu bilan birga, ta\u2019kidlash kerak-ki, G\u2018arb diplomatlari ichki suhbatlarda, yopiq eshiklar ortida o\u2018z shartlarini aniq bayon etishda davom etayotgani ma\u2019lum. Misol uchun, sanksiyalar siyosatini olaylik. Omma oldida bu mavzu hech qaysi tomonlar tarafidan baland ovozda tilga olinmaydi. Lekin amalda Markaziy Osiyo davlatlari ikkilamchi sanksiyalardan qo\u2018rqib zaruriy talablarni bajarib kelishmoqda. Shuning uchun, Markaziy Osiyodagi banklar sanksiya ostidagi Rossiya moliyaviy tashkilotlari bilan to\u2018g\u2018ridan-to\u2018g\u2018ri tranzaksiyalarni taqiqlagan.<\/p>\n<p>Ammo shunday vaziyatda ham Markaziy Osiyo o\u2018zi uchun harakat erkinligini kengaytira oldi. Ikki yarim yil davom etgan Rossiya-Ukraina urushi mobaynida mintaqa davlatlari o\u2018z hamkorlari bilan muloqot qilishning samarali strategiyasini ishlab chiqdi: G\u2018arbda bir gapni aytib, Rossiyada esa boshqasini gapirishmoqda. Birinchi holatda mintaqaning Rossiyaga bog\u2018liqligi ta&#8217;kidlanadi, Moskvaning geosiyosiy bosimi haqida ko\u2018p gapiriladi va sanksiya talablari borasida istisnolarga nisbatan ko\u2018z yumish so\u2018raladi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Rossiyada esa G\u2018arb tomonidan bosim va tahdidlarning chidab bo\u2018lmas darajada kuchaygani haqida gapiriladi.Bunday turli siyosat hamma narsada kuzatiladi.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Buyuk Britaniyaning sobiq tashqi ishlar vaziri Devid Kemeron Ukrainaning sobiq prezidenti Pyotr Poroshenko bilan suhbatda Qozog\u2018iston tashqi ishlar vaziri Murat Nurtleuning \u201cUkrainaliklar Qozog\u2018iston uchun ham jonlarini fido qilmoqda\u201d degan gapini eslatgan edi. Keyinchalik Qozog\u2018iston Tashqi ishlar vazirligi bu so\u2018zlarni yolg\u2018on deb atadi. Qolaversa, Markaziy Osiyo davlatlari yetakchilari Moskvaga tashrif buyurishda davom etmoqda va Rossiyaning qudratini qayd etishayotganini bildirishmoqda. Hattoki, Olaf Shols bilan uchrashuvda ham Qosim-Jo\u2018mart Toqayev \u201charbiy jihatdan Rossiya mag\u2018lub etib bo\u2018lmaydigan davlat\u201d ekanligini eslatib o\u2018tdi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Markaziy Osiyoning pragmatik va ko\u2018p qirrali tashqi siyosati o\u2018zining samaradorligini isbotlamoqda.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Birinchidan, hattoki, Rossiyaga portlovchi moddalarni ishlab chiqarish uchun zarur bo\u2018lgan nitroselluloza kabi mahsulotlarni yetkazib berilishi haqidagi ko\u2018plab dalillarga qaramasdan mintaqa davlatlarining hech biri G\u2018arb tomonidan ikkilamchi sanksiyalarga duch kelmadi\u2026 Faqatgina ayrim Markaziy Osiyodagi kompaniyalarga nisbatan bir nechta sanksiyalar kiritilgan.<\/p>\n<p>Ikkinchidan, Markaziy Osiyo hech kim tomonidan keskin geosiyosiy tanlov oldiga qo\u2018yilgani yo\u2018q. G\u2018arb \u201cyoki biz, yoki Rossiya\/Xitoy\u201d kabi ultimatumni ilgari surishi mintaqani Moskva va Pekinga yanada yaqinlashtirishi mumkinligidan qo\u2018rqadi va bu qo\u2018rquv asossiz emas. Donald Tramp ma\u2019muriyati davrida (2017\u20132021-yillar) bunday yondashuv Markaziy Osiyoda salbiy qabul qilinganini eslaylik. Hattoki, Rossiya ham Markaziy Osiyoga bunday ultimatumlarni qo\u2018ya olmaydi, chunki hozirgi paytda Rossiya Federatsiyasining dunyoda ittifoqchilari deyarli yo\u2018q va bor kamsonli ittifoqchilarni ham qo\u2018ldan chiqarish aslo maqsadga muvofiq bo\u2018lmaydi.<\/p>\n<p>Mustaqillikka erishilganidan buyon birinchi marta Markaziy Osiyo davlatlarining geosiyosiy holati ularning foydasiga ishladi. Biroq agar mintaqa ichida strukturaviy o\u2018zgarishlar yuz bermaganida bu fursatni boy berib qo\u2018yishlari mumkin edi. 2016-yildan boshlab Markaziy Osiyoning 5 mamlakatidan to\u2018rttasida yuqori rahbariyat almashdi va natijada ular nafaqat dunyoga, balki bir-birlariga ham ochila boshladi.<\/p>\n<p>Diplomatiya kanallarining xabariga ko\u2018ra, hozir mintaqa davlatlarining tashqi ishlar vazirliklari C5+1 sammitlari oldidan o\u2018z pozitsiyalarini o\u2018zaro muvofiqlashtirib, kelishib olmoqda. Kelishib olgandan keyingina tashqi hamkor bilan muzokaralarda samarali tarzda o\u2018z manfaatlarini ilgari surishmoqda. Avval Markaziy Osiyoda bunday hamjihatlik asosida yuqori darajadagi hamkorlik hech qachon kuzatilmagan.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Bugungi Markaziy Osiyo \u2013 boshqa Global Janubiy mamlakatlar uchun gegemoniyalar o\u2018rtasidagi qarama-qarshilikdan qanday foyda olish mumkinligi borasida namuna bo\u2018lmoqda.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>XXI asrda xalqaro munosabatlarda keskinlikning ortib borayotgani dunyo sovuq urush davriga qaytayotgani va kichik yoki o\u2018rta mamlakatlar qudratli davlatlar atrofida birlashishga majburligi haqidagi farazlarni paydo qildi.<\/p>\n<p>Biroq Markaziy Osiyo boshqa yo\u2018lni ko\u2018rsatmoqda, bir-biriga zid siyosatlar o\u2018rtasida ular bilan me\u2019yor va muvozanat ushlab, hamkorlikni olib boorish yo\u2018li. Bir paytning o\u2018zida ham NATO davlatlari bilan hamkorlik qilib, ham 9-may kuni g\u2018alaba paradi uchun Moskvaga borish, ham Xitoyning qurollangan chegara bazalarini ochishga ruxsat berish ziddiyatlarni uyg\u2018unlashtirgan holda barchaga do\u2018st va barcha bilan masofa saqlash sifatida olib borilayotgan muvozanat siyosatning misollaridir.<\/p>\n<p>Markaziy Osiyoning bu muvozanatli siyosati yana qancha davom etadi va bunday siyosat Markaziy Osiyoga bo\u2018lgan hozirgi yuqori darajadagi qiziqishdan haqiqiy foyda olishda xizmat qila oladimi \u2013 katta savol. Shunga qaramay, har qanday holatda ham ushbu muvozanatli siyosat behuda emasligi ko\u2018rinib bormoqda. Ukrainadagi urush kontekstida to\u2018plangan hamma bilan hamkorlik tajribasi Markaziy Osiyo davlatlari uchun G\u2018arb va Xitoy o\u2018rtasida yirikroq mojaro boshlanganida juda yaxshi qo\u2018l kelishi mumkin.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Rossiya-Ukraina urushining ikki yarim yili davomida Markaziy Osiyo mamlakatlari hamkorlar bilan muloqot qilishning samarali strategiyasini ishlab chiqdi: G\u2018arbda bir narsani, Rossiyada boshqa narsani gapiradi. So\u2018nggi yillarda Markaziy Osiyo G\u2018arbning eng yirik davlatlari va eng yuqori darajadagi e\u2019tiboridan bahramand bo\u2018lib kelmoqda. Masalan, Germaniya kansleri Olaf Shols mintaqa mamlakatlari bilan munosabatlarni yangi bosqichga olib chiqdishga qaror qilgan navbatdagi Yevropa yetakchisiga aylandi. Samarqand va Ostonada ikki tomonlama muzokaralar o\u2018tkazdi, barcha mintaqaviy yetakchilar bilan C5+1 formatida (Qozog\u2018iston, Qirg\u2018iziston, Tojikiston, Turkmaniston va O\u2018zbekiston + hamkor mamlakatlardan biri) uchrashdi. G\u2018arbning Markaziy Osiyoga qiziqishi ortishiga sabablar ko\u2018p: so\u2018nggi yillarda mahalliy rahbariyatning yangilanishi, Rossiyaning Ukrainaga bostirib kirishi va Xitoy bilan munosabatlardagi o\u2018sib borayotgan muammolar. Markaziy Osiyo yetakchilari ham G\u2018arb uchun avvalo Rossiya va Xitoy bilan qo\u2018shnichiligi tufayli muhim bo\u2018lib qolganliklarini juda yaxshi tushunadi va aynan bu tushuncha ularga muzokara pozitsiyalarini kuchaytirishga yordam bermoqda. Yaqinda ham, 2010-yillarda, Markaziy Osiyo G\u2018arb uchun unchalik muhim hamkor bo\u2018lib ko\u2018rinmas edi. Masalan, Angela Merkel 16 yillik kansler lavozimida mintaqaga atigi uch marta tashrif buyurgan. Ammo 2020-yillarda ko\u2018p narsa o\u2018zgardi. Birinchidan, ichki siyosiy vaziyat o\u2018zgardi: deyarli barcha mamlakatlarda hokimiyat siyosatga Sovet Ittifoqi parchalanganidan keyin kirib kelgan yosh avlodga o\u2018tdi. Ikkinchidan, tashqi muhit o\u2018zgardi: NATO qo\u2018shinlari Afg\u2018onistondan chiqdi, ularning o\u2018rnini \u201cTolibon\u201d egalladi, Xitoy esa mintaqada mustahkam o\u2018rnashdi va Markaziy Osiyodan hali beri ketish niyati yo\u2018q, Ukrainaga bostirib kirgan Rossiya esa Markaziy Osiyodagi ittifoqchilarining sadoqatini saqlashda qiyinchiliklarga uchramoqda. Bu vaziyatda kansler Sholsning mintaqaga ilk tashrifi aynan shu yilga to\u2018gri kelgani ajablanarli emas. Ungacha Markaziy Osiyoga Fransiya va Italiya prezidentlari, Yevroittifoq Kengashi raisi, Yevropa Ittifoqi, AQSh, Buyuk Britaniya, Shveysariya va Germaniya tashqi siyosat rahbarlari tashrif buyurgan. Shuningdek, 2023-yil sentabr oyida Nyu-Yorkda AQSh prezidenti Jo Bayden bilan C5+1 uchrashuvi o\u2018tkazildi. Bu tashriflarning barchasi bir-biriga o\u2018xshash ssenariylar asosida amalga oshirilmoqda va ularda muhokama qilinayotgan mavzular xilma-xillikdan yiroq. Masalan, Shols iqtisodiy hamkorlik masalalarini muhokama qilishi oldindan ma\u2019lum edi. Lekin Germaniya bilan bo\u2018lgan muzokaralarning yagona farqli jihati afg\u2018on muhojirlarini deportatsiyasi masalasida O\u2018zbekistondan yordam so\u2018ralganidir. Markaziy Osiyo davlatlari ham o\u2018z talab va shartlari bilan muzokaralarga kirishmoqda. Biroq barcha muhokamalardan yiroqlashib, raqamlarga e\u2019tibor qaratilsa Markaziy Osiyoning besh mamlakati va Yevroittifoq o\u2018rtasidagi savdo rekord darajaga yetgan: 2022-yilda savdo 59 foizga, 2023-yilda esa yana 11 foizga o\u2018sdi. Shu bilan birga, Yevropa mamlakatlari, xususan Germaniya uchun energetik hamkorlik muhim: o\u2018tgan yili Qozog\u2018iston Germaniyaga 8,5 million tonna neft yetkazib berdi. Bundan ko\u2018p neftni Germaniyaga faqat Norvegiya va AQShdan yetkazgan. Markaziy Osiyo ham ushbu hamkorlikdan foyda ko\u2018rmoqda. Masalan, 2023-yilda Germaniya Qozog\u2018iston iqtisodiyotiga 770 million dollar investitsiya kiritdi \u2013 bu avvalgi yilga nisbatan 64 foizga ko\u2018p. Germaniyaning O\u2018zbekiston iqtisodiyotiga kiritgan sarmoyalari esa 2017-yildan beri 11 barobarga oshdi.Qolaversa, Qozog\u2018iston umumiy qiymati 55 milliard dollar bo\u2018lgan 66 ta qo\u2018shma investitsiya loyihalari bo\u2018yicha kelishuvga erishgan. O\u2018zbekiston esa umumiy qiymati 9 milliard yevro bo\u2018lgan loyihalarni qo\u2018lga kiritgan. Eng qizig\u2018i shundaki, Yevropa bilan barcha uchrashuvlar va hamkorlik Markaziy Osiyoning haqiqiy siyosiy an\u2019analari ruhida, ochiq siyosatsiz o\u2018tmoqda. Masalan, Sholsning safarida ham ochiq siyosat kuzatilmadi. Ukrainadagi urush va Rossiya agressiyasiga qarshi turish zarurati haqida hech qanday gap-so\u2018z bo\u2018lgani yo\u2018q. Ostona shahrida kansler \u201ctinchlik jarayonini tezlashtirish uchun imkoniyatlarni o\u2018rganish zarurligi\u201d haqida qisqagina fikr bildirib ketgan xolos. Qozog\u2018iston [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":28772,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[64,67,66,3,246],"tags":[2854,3147],"class_list":["post-28771","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-category-newsworld","category-category-newsrus","category-category-newsuzb","category-news","category-novosti","tag-cvo-ukraina-russia-urush-voyna-mobilizatsiya-migrantuzb","tag-markaziy_osiyo"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v23.7 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>G\u2018arb nima uchun Markaziy Osiyoga qiziqmoqda? - Migrantlar uchun axborot-xizmat portali - MIGRANT.UZ<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"\u0417\u0430 \u0434\u0432\u0430 \u0441 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0438\u043d\u043e\u0439 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\u0434\u0432\u0443\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u043d\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043f\u0435\u0440\u0435\u0433\u043e\u0432\u043e\u0440\u044b \u0432 \u0421\u0430\u043c\u0430\u0440\u043a\u0430\u043d\u0434\u0435 \u0438 \u0410\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d\u0435, \u043d\u043e \u0438 \u0432\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0435\u0442\u0438\u043b\u0441\u044f \u0441\u043e \u0432\u0441\u0435\u043c\u0438 \u0440\u0435\u0433\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u043c\u0438 \u043b\u0438\u0434\u0435\u0440\u0430\u043c\u0438 \u0432 \u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0435 C5+1 (\u041a\u0430\u0437\u0430\u0445\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d, \u041a\u044b\u0440\u0433\u044b\u0437\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d, \u0422\u0430\u0434\u0436\u0438\u043a\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d, \u0422\u0443\u0440\u043a\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d \u0438 \u0423\u0437\u0431\u0435\u043a\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d + \u043e\u0434\u043d\u0430 \u0438\u0437 \u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d-\u043f\u0430\u0440\u0442\u043d\u0435\u0440\u043e\u0432).{:}\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/migrant.uz\/g-arb-nima-uchun-markaziy-osiyoga-qiziqmoqda\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Migrantlar uchun axborot-xizmat portali - MIGRANT.UZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/migrantuz\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-10-29T06:53:25+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/migrant.uz\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/west-central-asia-relations.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1440\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"770\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"\u0420\u0435\u0434\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written 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\u0434\u0435\u0440\u0436\u0430\u0432. \u041a\u0430\u043d\u0446\u043b\u0435\u0440 \u0413\u0435\u0440\u043c\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0438 \u041e\u043b\u0430\u0444 \u0428\u043e\u043b\u044c\u0446 \u0441\u0442\u0430\u043b \u043e\u0447\u0435\u0440\u0435\u0434\u043d\u044b\u043c \u0435\u0432\u0440\u043e\u043f\u0435\u0439\u0441\u043a\u0438\u043c \u043b\u0438\u0434\u0435\u0440\u043e\u043c, \u0440\u0435\u0448\u0438\u0432\u0448\u0438\u043c \u0432\u044b\u0432\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043e\u0442\u043d\u043e\u0448\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0441\u043e \u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430\u043c\u0438 \u0440\u0435\u0433\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430 \u043d\u0430 \u043d\u043e\u0432\u044b\u0439 \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043d\u044c. 15\u201317 \u0441\u0435\u043d\u0442\u044f\u0431\u0440\u044f \u043e\u043d \u043d\u0435 \u0442\u043e\u043b\u044c\u043a\u043e \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043b \u0434\u0432\u0443\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u043d\u043d\u0438\u0435 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